We must rejoice on this 60th anniversary of our freedom from colonial rule and breathe the fresh air of freedom.
It is also a day to remember that 'what comes free today was once fought for.' And how. The masses waged a long struggle, lakhs courted imprisonment, thousands paid with their lives -- all selflessly smilingly at the altar of freedom.
That part of our history is generally better known to the present generation in varying details. But what is not sufficiently known is that during the freedom struggle there were serious discussions as to what we shall strive for after the attainment of Independence. And, a prior question: How free India shall be best governed.
Gandhiji asked us to reflect how Britain a tiny nation located 8,000 miles away succeeded in establishing its rule over India -- a vast country with huge population. The answer lay in the fact that, at the time in history, India was not governed by her people through popular will, but by autocracy -- the maharajas, nawabs and feudal lords. It made it easy for the British to either co-opt such rulers by inducements or by setting them one against another -- divide and rule, or defeat their individual small armed force one by one.
The moral was that in order to secure freedom, when won, it was imperative that political power was not concentrated in a few hands but universally dispersed -- entrusted in the hands of each and every citizen for safekeeping.
The citizens were to be the rulers and exercise their right through democratic means. It is thus that in 1950 our Constituent Assembly adopted the system of adult franchise -- one person one vote -- political equality to the core.
The passage of adult franchise was, however, not all that smooth. The objectors were concerned about the prevailing massive illiteracy. They advocated deferment of adult franchise till every citizen had been educated at least to a minimum level. The assembly recognised that illiteracy had not stood in the way of millions to fight for freedom. They had thus earned the right to rule via vote from day one. It decided to introduce adult franchise straightaway but adopted Article 45 to universalise elementary education within a period of 10 years.
Alas, this deadline has been honoured more in the breach, and not implemented fully till date. True, there is a sizeable number of those who have since scaled the Everest of higher education and done us proud. But, we have failed to provide the necessary cement of elementary education to all and thus fortifying our political edifice built on adult franchise.
Those looking today for challenges ahead could lend their shoulder to extend education facilities to every child in a mission mode.
Political stability is inseparable from ever increasing social and economic progress. In fact, this was another aspect highlighted during the freedom struggle. When embarking on public life Gandhiji wrote to Dadabhai Naoroji, 'I am inexperienced and young -- guide me -- Indians look upon you as children to the father.' Dadabhai advised that all the three great purposes -- political, social and industrial -- must be set working side by side. The progress in each will have its influence on others.
Thus, it was emphasised that after securing political freedom we would also have to win economic social and moral freedom. These freedoms Gandhiji warned were 'harder than the political, if only because they are constructive, less exciting and not spectacular. He proposed an all embracing Constructive Work Programme, which evokes the energy of all, the millions.' Get a copy, knowing it is a must.
In the social and economic sphere what was to command prior attention was hunger and unemployment. The stomach is a biological tyrant. It demands food at least twice a day. It is universal -- it affects each and every human being. To answer this character and compulsion of the demand for food, it was plain that the supply of food must be easy of access. Possessed of this realisation, Gandhiji formulated in 1928, what he called the Economic Constitution of India:
'According to me the economic constitution of India and for the matter of that of the world, should be such that no one under it should suffer from want of food and clothing. In other words everybody should be able to get sufficient work to enable him to make the two ends meet. And this ideal can be universally realised only if the means of production of the elementary necessaries of life remain in the control of the masses. These should be freely available to all as God's air and water are or ought to be; they should not be made a vehicle of traffic for the exploitation of others.'
We have millions of farms -- largely marginal and small, and millions engaged in agricultural labour. They have all been deprived of support -- be it credit, technical advice, minimum wages or organisational framework for increasing local production of food for local consumption and thereby ensure local employment opportunities and purchasing power.
What we have done instead in the past 60 years is the very reverse of it. While in absolute terms agricultural production has increased substantially the pattern of production promoted has created a few small pockets of high output.
Only 15 per cent of our 500 districts produce the surplus grains, which are then transported across from north to south, to east at tremendous cost. Worse still the food grains do not reach the hungry stomachs in time or if they do the hungry have little purchasing power. Consumption has been divorced from local production.
Is it surprising then, as the finance minister stated in his recent Budget speech that in our population of over one billion, 47 per cent of our children in the age group 0 to 5 years are suffering from malnutrition. Imagine it is half of our future generation. Of course in the next breath he praised our economic growth rate which was embracing 9 per cent which alas shines fully only on ten percent of the population.
Imagine also the likely impact of such gross disparity in income, education and food in-take (hunger-malnutrition) on the stability of our political system based on arithmetical equality: One person, one vote. Added to this is mounting discrimination and injustice heaped on women, dalits and the tribals. These are all a threat to our political system, which rests on equality.
The fault is not in our freedom but how we are milking the magnificent opportunity it has afforded. Should we not ponder and correct the course -- in both the direction and pattern of our economic growth, and then align it with our political foundations of equality?
The likes of Bhagat Singh did it for us. We don't have to go to the gallows. We could instead tend to the grassroots -- and morally bask under the Kite Runner Khalid Hossein's new title: A Thousand Splendid Suns.
By L C Jain
(Dr L C Jain was an active participant in the Quit India movement and has been engaged in economic-social development for the last 60 years. He was a member of the Planning Commission and India's high commissioner to South Africa.)
Courtsey from Rediff
Showing posts with label Matters of Grassroots. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Matters of Grassroots. Show all posts
Monday, 10 September 2007
Monday, 6 August 2007
Chhattisgarh: Babe in arms
The rifle cocked a bit to the left, the boy peered into the car. His face was puffy, hair wiry and dull brown a sure sign of malnutrition. He barked at me, demanding to know where I was coming from. He walked with a faint swagger in ill fitting fatigues, surveying me and my camera-person, as we looked on confused.
Confrontations with security personnel is fairly routine for journalists reporting in Bastar in Chhattisgarh but this was the first time I had encountered a child soldier among the security personnel. It was November, 2006.
We were in Dantewada district, Chhattisgarh's bleeding heart, to see how well the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) was functioning in the midst of conflict and it was clear that the situation had worsened considerably in the last couple of years.
In village after village, we found burnt remnants of homes, empty shells of primary healthcare centres - polio slogans fading. Anganwadis were abandoned, walls charred, grains spilt and trodden on.
Families had been driven away to government camps in the name of security by members of the government backed anti-Naxal force, Salwa Judum, which controls four blocks of Dantewada. We found notices nailed to trees warning villagers not to return or else face severe consequences.
At the checkpost, I found it hard to strike up a conversation looking down the barrel of a gun. But I wanted to know how the boy soldier was carrying firearms. In the interiors, I knew the government had set up Village Defence Committees but none of them had guns.
Fortunately, intrigued by the camera, the teenager let down some of his guard. He told us that he had been hired as a Special Police Officer (SPO) by the Salwa Judum to monitor the movements of adivasis and vehicles. He confirmed there were many like him. His own brother was posted at the Errabore relief camp.
So far, it was fairly well known that Maoists recruited children as sangam members to work as informants or simply as porters, ferrying necessities to their hideouts. But now it was clear that the Chhattisgarh government wasn't shying away from using children either.
Chief Minister Raman Singh says he wants to stamp out every vestige of Naxalism from the state. Ironically, the job has been entrusted to these young boys with adult faces. At every roadblock, they clutch rifles bigger than them and stare defiantly at those who pass by.
In a region that is slowly turning into the bloodiest battleground in India's recent history, these child soldiers are the government's first line of defence against Maoists.
And the price they pay is steep. When Naxals attack police posts, it is usually these young, semi-trained SPOs who get shot as we saw in Rani Bodli, a small outpost in Bijapur, where 55 security personnel were killed in a midnight attack, 39 were SPOs.
But other than a head count, the police gave out little information. What they forgot to mention was those who died were mostly minors, who were dead drunk and unable to fire a single bullet because they were frightened out of their wits.
And with good reason. Picture this. The Rani Bodli post is a small school building with no lights that stands in a rough clearing, surrounded on all sides by dense forest. Sandbags offer the only protection from guerilla attacks which Maoists mount.
The 303 rifles that the government has kindly provided the SPOs with, don't always work. All their lives they have watched their fathers and brothers use bows and arrows or axes to hunt. With the Naxalite problem escalating, rifles have been thrust into hands unused to steel.
On most days though, the guns come handy. In a world defined by exploitation, guns provide a new identity synonymous with power. Finally, there's an opportunity to assert even if it mostly against their own kin. Unfortunately, it's just another form of enslavement from which there is no escape.
Losing lives apart, the community too is splitting up into shards. Brother has turned against brother - every family must choose either join Salwa Judum or else get branded as Maoists. There is no space for negotiation.
A father who refused to allow his teenage son to take up the gun was burnt to death before his son. The boy is an SPO today but who knows why? Fear drives most decisions in Dantewada these days.
A British journalist who visited Dantewada compares it to Darfur (Sudan). The devastation may be of the same scale but for me, there is a crucial difference. Sudan has caught international attention while Dantewada is nobody's baby.
Curiously, the central government, which is helping the state fight Naxalism with funds and manpower ... has so far maintained a stony silence on this issue.
But the question is, where surveillance helicopters and armoured vehicles, supercops and trained paramilitary forces have failed to control Maoist violence, arming adolescents cannot make much sense.
By Mohuya Chaudhuri
Confrontations with security personnel is fairly routine for journalists reporting in Bastar in Chhattisgarh but this was the first time I had encountered a child soldier among the security personnel. It was November, 2006.
We were in Dantewada district, Chhattisgarh's bleeding heart, to see how well the Integrated Child Development Services (ICDS) was functioning in the midst of conflict and it was clear that the situation had worsened considerably in the last couple of years.
In village after village, we found burnt remnants of homes, empty shells of primary healthcare centres - polio slogans fading. Anganwadis were abandoned, walls charred, grains spilt and trodden on.
Families had been driven away to government camps in the name of security by members of the government backed anti-Naxal force, Salwa Judum, which controls four blocks of Dantewada. We found notices nailed to trees warning villagers not to return or else face severe consequences.
At the checkpost, I found it hard to strike up a conversation looking down the barrel of a gun. But I wanted to know how the boy soldier was carrying firearms. In the interiors, I knew the government had set up Village Defence Committees but none of them had guns.
Fortunately, intrigued by the camera, the teenager let down some of his guard. He told us that he had been hired as a Special Police Officer (SPO) by the Salwa Judum to monitor the movements of adivasis and vehicles. He confirmed there were many like him. His own brother was posted at the Errabore relief camp.
So far, it was fairly well known that Maoists recruited children as sangam members to work as informants or simply as porters, ferrying necessities to their hideouts. But now it was clear that the Chhattisgarh government wasn't shying away from using children either.
Chief Minister Raman Singh says he wants to stamp out every vestige of Naxalism from the state. Ironically, the job has been entrusted to these young boys with adult faces. At every roadblock, they clutch rifles bigger than them and stare defiantly at those who pass by.
In a region that is slowly turning into the bloodiest battleground in India's recent history, these child soldiers are the government's first line of defence against Maoists.
And the price they pay is steep. When Naxals attack police posts, it is usually these young, semi-trained SPOs who get shot as we saw in Rani Bodli, a small outpost in Bijapur, where 55 security personnel were killed in a midnight attack, 39 were SPOs.
But other than a head count, the police gave out little information. What they forgot to mention was those who died were mostly minors, who were dead drunk and unable to fire a single bullet because they were frightened out of their wits.
And with good reason. Picture this. The Rani Bodli post is a small school building with no lights that stands in a rough clearing, surrounded on all sides by dense forest. Sandbags offer the only protection from guerilla attacks which Maoists mount.
The 303 rifles that the government has kindly provided the SPOs with, don't always work. All their lives they have watched their fathers and brothers use bows and arrows or axes to hunt. With the Naxalite problem escalating, rifles have been thrust into hands unused to steel.
On most days though, the guns come handy. In a world defined by exploitation, guns provide a new identity synonymous with power. Finally, there's an opportunity to assert even if it mostly against their own kin. Unfortunately, it's just another form of enslavement from which there is no escape.
Losing lives apart, the community too is splitting up into shards. Brother has turned against brother - every family must choose either join Salwa Judum or else get branded as Maoists. There is no space for negotiation.
A father who refused to allow his teenage son to take up the gun was burnt to death before his son. The boy is an SPO today but who knows why? Fear drives most decisions in Dantewada these days.
A British journalist who visited Dantewada compares it to Darfur (Sudan). The devastation may be of the same scale but for me, there is a crucial difference. Sudan has caught international attention while Dantewada is nobody's baby.
Curiously, the central government, which is helping the state fight Naxalism with funds and manpower ... has so far maintained a stony silence on this issue.
But the question is, where surveillance helicopters and armoured vehicles, supercops and trained paramilitary forces have failed to control Maoist violence, arming adolescents cannot make much sense.
By Mohuya Chaudhuri
Ban on Coke-Pepsi on BHU, Varanasi Campus
I am sharing with you the email i received from Nandlal Master, who has been leading the struggle for rights of local communities over natural resources, in particularly, water and putting up a stiff resistance to corporate giants like Coca Cola.
'Cold/soft drinks will not be allowed on Banaras Hindu University campus in Varanasi from August 1, 2007. BHU has placed a ban on Coke and Pepsi on campus. This decision was taken by the BHU administration on 1st August. Everybody is happy. Although, some people opposed the ban, but everybody agreed that cold/soft drinks are not good in any way. The Mehdiganj movement (against Coca-Cola) is getting strengthened gradually. Congratualtions to all colleagues (for your support to the movement).'
I must say this is a very big victory. because some state governments in south and west india had placed a ban on soft drinks in their states/school-colleges/government offices earlier, but this is really the first time when a north indian university has placed a ban on coke and pepsi. for nandlal, a youth from rural background, who has led a popular grassroots movement against the coca-cola bottling plant in village mehdiganj in varanasi district for the last 5 years this is a morale boosting development.
By Sandeep Pandey
ashaashram@yahoo.com
'Cold/soft drinks will not be allowed on Banaras Hindu University campus in Varanasi from August 1, 2007. BHU has placed a ban on Coke and Pepsi on campus. This decision was taken by the BHU administration on 1st August. Everybody is happy. Although, some people opposed the ban, but everybody agreed that cold/soft drinks are not good in any way. The Mehdiganj movement (against Coca-Cola) is getting strengthened gradually. Congratualtions to all colleagues (for your support to the movement).'
I must say this is a very big victory. because some state governments in south and west india had placed a ban on soft drinks in their states/school-colleges/government offices earlier, but this is really the first time when a north indian university has placed a ban on coke and pepsi. for nandlal, a youth from rural background, who has led a popular grassroots movement against the coca-cola bottling plant in village mehdiganj in varanasi district for the last 5 years this is a morale boosting development.
By Sandeep Pandey
ashaashram@yahoo.com
Jharkhand washerman, mediaman
A washerman in Jharkhand has been bringing out a handwritten weekly newspaper for the past 20 years.
A washerman in Jharkhand has found an innovative way to keep himself busy and spread awareness. He has been bringing out a handwritten weekly newspaper for the past 20 years.
Gaurishankar Razak of Dumka town, around 400 km from Ranchi, is the proud owner of "Deen Dalit", which made its first appearance two decades ago. The newspaper, which is even registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India (RNI), is in Hindi.
The 55-year-old, who has studied till Class 10, gathers news about local problems and of course about corruption and writes the reports on a sheet of paper, which is then photocopied and pasted at important places in the district.
"I raise public awareness through my newspaper. By working as a washerman I get to watch the day-to-day problems of the people. I write about them in the newspaper," said Razak.
"The purpose of bringing out the newspaper is to serve the country and the people of the state.
"When I decided to bring out the paper, I had no money. Even today I cannot print them. I bring out about 50 photocopies," he added.
His wife and four children help him in his work. "I feel proud when I see people reading my father's newspaper," said one of his sons.
Even the readers are all praise for him.
"In today's world, it is difficult to find a person who uses his own money to bring out handwritten newspapers to serve society," remarked Sandek Soren, a Dumka resident.
Indo-Asian News Service
A washerman in Jharkhand has found an innovative way to keep himself busy and spread awareness. He has been bringing out a handwritten weekly newspaper for the past 20 years.
Gaurishankar Razak of Dumka town, around 400 km from Ranchi, is the proud owner of "Deen Dalit", which made its first appearance two decades ago. The newspaper, which is even registered with the Registrar of Newspapers for India (RNI), is in Hindi.
The 55-year-old, who has studied till Class 10, gathers news about local problems and of course about corruption and writes the reports on a sheet of paper, which is then photocopied and pasted at important places in the district.
"I raise public awareness through my newspaper. By working as a washerman I get to watch the day-to-day problems of the people. I write about them in the newspaper," said Razak.
"The purpose of bringing out the newspaper is to serve the country and the people of the state.
"When I decided to bring out the paper, I had no money. Even today I cannot print them. I bring out about 50 photocopies," he added.
His wife and four children help him in his work. "I feel proud when I see people reading my father's newspaper," said one of his sons.
Even the readers are all praise for him.
"In today's world, it is difficult to find a person who uses his own money to bring out handwritten newspapers to serve society," remarked Sandek Soren, a Dumka resident.
Indo-Asian News Service
Thursday, 12 July 2007
Harsud; three years hence but saga of the sufferings, never ends ..
The story of sufferings of people of Harsud, one of the 250 villages in the State of Madhya Pradesh which got submerged due to Indira Sagar Dam project, is unending and probably this millenniums most inhumane and undemocratic displacement story. June 30 2007, it will three years hence when the people of Harsud were 'displaced by force' not by will. Till date many of them wait for adequate compensation. Many are unemployed and striving hard to earn their sustenance. Probably their lives have got stuck in the 'files' in 'corridors of powers' of the State Government. The state of affairs is such that out of 5600 families which were resettled in the new Harsud only 1600 families still remain. Fifty families are dalits. Where have the rest gone? Nobody knows. What happened to the children, their education, and health no one has a clue in the State?
Who matters for the state in present situation? If 100 medical students or doctors march on the roads of New Delhi, then Parliament, Media, Corporate starts jumping, but 6000 tribals sitting on Dharna in Bhopal under heavy rains for demanding their fundamental right does not matter for the Government. The Political and State leadership did not go to meet these people at all.
The Harsud got submerged in June 2004. This historic town was established in the year 1815 by the then King Harshvardhan. Before it got submerged it was a Tehsil which was surrounded by villages. People settled here, had means of employment be it their own business, or labour or farming but after their displaced after submergence, they live on state's false promises, with a hope it they may get fulfilled someday.
It may be difficult to locate a town similar to new Harsud in Madhya Pradesh wherein people have built in pucca houses but hardly have anything to eat. All the money they had, they had spent on constructing their homes. Uma Bharti, who was then the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, had announced that new Harsud will be 'an ideal town', with all the facilities. But reality is far from grim. The land here was made up of hard rocks and it was extremely difficult to construct houses on the same. It took huge effort to dig the rocky land for the foundation which was needed to build the house over it. People had to spend all they had in order to construct their shelter. Builders, cement, sand and construction material dealers minted money, to an extent that prices of building material shot up. Iron rods which are normally priced at Rs 2300 per quintal, were sold at Rs 4000 per quintal while sand which is normally priced at Rs 1000 ? 1500 was sold at double the price. All the money they had received as compensation was spent only in constructing houses.
It was painful to see one's own houses getting submerged while they were forced to settle on these barren hard rocky plains. Today, they have a pucca house but only that nothing else. State was able to convince the judiciary that, they have been able to rehabilitate the displaced people. Photographs of the pucca houses were good evidence in the court.
Present revenue records of the state will tell you that new Harsud is developing progressively. But the reality is exactly opposite and grim. Economy and employment are correlated when people have no means of employment how can an economy flourish. New harsud contrary to old one does not have any bus stand, no vegetable wholesale market, and neither any bank which can help the people get loan i.e. nothing which can give the people any employment opportunity. In name of development concrete gutters, damaged roads, there is nothing much.
Dr Ashok Srivastava, a valiant fighter, fighting for rights of those who got displaced say that concrete roads and sewage lines are there as state wanted to show the court that development has been done. But then what? "Old Harsud was a complete economic zone in itself, it had a big wholesale market for farmers, about 200 villages used to cater to the same and almost everyone had a job. But it is exactly the opposite in new Harsud. Except concrete sewage lies, houses and government offices there is nothing. Arundhati Roy, a famous writer had said at the time when Harsud was getting submerged what kind of development is that wherein the name of progress human rights of one's own nation's people get violated.
Though Harsud is the latest example, but in name of progress, in our country after independence more than three crore people have been displaced from their own land and their own culture. All democratic methods of raising concern seem not to deter the state of Madhya Pradesh and NHDC, the company which is building these dams.
Narmada Bachho Andolan's Alok Agarwal shares that people in new harsud have not been given property rights of the land which is allotted to them, meaning that they cannot get any loan on the same. He adds that crime rate has been increasing in last three years. People do not have employment, poverty is rampant and people don't have anything to survive, hence crime rates have increased. It is not that only poor have got affected, even better off families are facing the impact but fact is that poor have the maximum brunt. Even the traders like Trilok Tripathi say that sales have come down as people don't have buying power.
Who will listen to Dalits ?
In the new harsud sector 7 is called dalit sector. It is here where fifty dalit families live in. Children are taking of their school bags and instead they have picked up shovels. Rahul, was studying in tenth class when harsud got submerged but now he has hanged his school bag. More than studies it was essential to get food for his family. Santosh who works as a laborer in harsud and is feeding his family recalls at in old harsud we never had a time when we had had to starve, as their was work at the agricultural farms, and we used to get some work always. But now neither we have any farming nor is there any work for us. We are just surviving, but when rains come we will not have any way of earning our livelihood.
Where is Employment Guarantee Scheme?
This new place for the rehabilitated is nothing but a box of problems and is difficult for community members here to manage just two meals a day. In situation like this why is government silent on getting people some work. What is the reason that state has not initiated an employment guarantee scheme here? Local people say that people here had protested strongly against the conditions prevalent here and corruption which was happening, the same had upset many important ministers like Kailash Vijayavarigya, Anoop Mishra, and the local member of legislative assembly Kunwar Vijay Shah. They are facing the brunt of the same protest. The people here are angry wit Jkunawar Vijay Shah who never spoke a single word for the people and against the displacement. That is the reason he was blessed with gift of Cabinet Ministership. Media has less presence here, no political leaders wants to raise his voice for their concern, as they feel that the vote bank here is not big enough to have an impact on elections. Though this year in fist time Municipal Corporation BJP had lost, but it does not see than they have learnt from their loss.
People are still stranded here.
Kalimachak River was a lifeline for harsud town. But after water levels increased in Indira Sagar dam, backwaters of Kalimachak only submerged Harsud. Though harsud now is depilated and is haunted. But still in ward number nine, Mohi rayat about 150 people of thirty tribal families are not willing to move from here. They till date have not received the compensation amount. Mohan Gaindala from these families tell us that as even after fulfilling all the requirements as laid down in the clause 4 as announced by the state government they still have not received the compensation. Among them is Poonam who is suffering from Tuberculosis shares that patwari and other government officials openly ask for bribes. 'If someone cannot enough to eat how can one afford to pay bribe. Mohan adds that we don't know where our compensation money has gone? There are many here who have not received their compensation yet. Either the state government officials or the powerful have eaten away the money which came as compensation for them.
State government officials including the officiating District Collector Sanjay Goyal do not have any answers'. Tribals communities staying here had previously got afflicted with Chickenguniya. In the last monsoon water had reached just near their huts, but there is no surety this time that water will remain till that place. Included in them there are ten such children who never have received polio vaccination anytime or for that matter neither any supplementary nutrition.
What does District Collector say?
Khandwa District Collector Sanjay Goyal who is officiating says that district administration is trying its best. Brushing aside the issue of employment he said that somehow all of us, in any form will have to pay the price of development?
By Daya Shanker Mishra,
( Daya Shankar Mishra Freelance Journalist working as a Media Fellow with Vikas Samvad in Madhya Pradesh. He can be contacted on Vikas Samvad, E-7/226, Ist Floor, Opp. Dhanvantri Complex, Arera Colony, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh)
Who matters for the state in present situation? If 100 medical students or doctors march on the roads of New Delhi, then Parliament, Media, Corporate starts jumping, but 6000 tribals sitting on Dharna in Bhopal under heavy rains for demanding their fundamental right does not matter for the Government. The Political and State leadership did not go to meet these people at all.
The Harsud got submerged in June 2004. This historic town was established in the year 1815 by the then King Harshvardhan. Before it got submerged it was a Tehsil which was surrounded by villages. People settled here, had means of employment be it their own business, or labour or farming but after their displaced after submergence, they live on state's false promises, with a hope it they may get fulfilled someday.
It may be difficult to locate a town similar to new Harsud in Madhya Pradesh wherein people have built in pucca houses but hardly have anything to eat. All the money they had, they had spent on constructing their homes. Uma Bharti, who was then the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, had announced that new Harsud will be 'an ideal town', with all the facilities. But reality is far from grim. The land here was made up of hard rocks and it was extremely difficult to construct houses on the same. It took huge effort to dig the rocky land for the foundation which was needed to build the house over it. People had to spend all they had in order to construct their shelter. Builders, cement, sand and construction material dealers minted money, to an extent that prices of building material shot up. Iron rods which are normally priced at Rs 2300 per quintal, were sold at Rs 4000 per quintal while sand which is normally priced at Rs 1000 ? 1500 was sold at double the price. All the money they had received as compensation was spent only in constructing houses.
It was painful to see one's own houses getting submerged while they were forced to settle on these barren hard rocky plains. Today, they have a pucca house but only that nothing else. State was able to convince the judiciary that, they have been able to rehabilitate the displaced people. Photographs of the pucca houses were good evidence in the court.
Present revenue records of the state will tell you that new Harsud is developing progressively. But the reality is exactly opposite and grim. Economy and employment are correlated when people have no means of employment how can an economy flourish. New harsud contrary to old one does not have any bus stand, no vegetable wholesale market, and neither any bank which can help the people get loan i.e. nothing which can give the people any employment opportunity. In name of development concrete gutters, damaged roads, there is nothing much.
Dr Ashok Srivastava, a valiant fighter, fighting for rights of those who got displaced say that concrete roads and sewage lines are there as state wanted to show the court that development has been done. But then what? "Old Harsud was a complete economic zone in itself, it had a big wholesale market for farmers, about 200 villages used to cater to the same and almost everyone had a job. But it is exactly the opposite in new Harsud. Except concrete sewage lies, houses and government offices there is nothing. Arundhati Roy, a famous writer had said at the time when Harsud was getting submerged what kind of development is that wherein the name of progress human rights of one's own nation's people get violated.
Though Harsud is the latest example, but in name of progress, in our country after independence more than three crore people have been displaced from their own land and their own culture. All democratic methods of raising concern seem not to deter the state of Madhya Pradesh and NHDC, the company which is building these dams.
Narmada Bachho Andolan's Alok Agarwal shares that people in new harsud have not been given property rights of the land which is allotted to them, meaning that they cannot get any loan on the same. He adds that crime rate has been increasing in last three years. People do not have employment, poverty is rampant and people don't have anything to survive, hence crime rates have increased. It is not that only poor have got affected, even better off families are facing the impact but fact is that poor have the maximum brunt. Even the traders like Trilok Tripathi say that sales have come down as people don't have buying power.
Who will listen to Dalits ?
In the new harsud sector 7 is called dalit sector. It is here where fifty dalit families live in. Children are taking of their school bags and instead they have picked up shovels. Rahul, was studying in tenth class when harsud got submerged but now he has hanged his school bag. More than studies it was essential to get food for his family. Santosh who works as a laborer in harsud and is feeding his family recalls at in old harsud we never had a time when we had had to starve, as their was work at the agricultural farms, and we used to get some work always. But now neither we have any farming nor is there any work for us. We are just surviving, but when rains come we will not have any way of earning our livelihood.
Where is Employment Guarantee Scheme?
This new place for the rehabilitated is nothing but a box of problems and is difficult for community members here to manage just two meals a day. In situation like this why is government silent on getting people some work. What is the reason that state has not initiated an employment guarantee scheme here? Local people say that people here had protested strongly against the conditions prevalent here and corruption which was happening, the same had upset many important ministers like Kailash Vijayavarigya, Anoop Mishra, and the local member of legislative assembly Kunwar Vijay Shah. They are facing the brunt of the same protest. The people here are angry wit Jkunawar Vijay Shah who never spoke a single word for the people and against the displacement. That is the reason he was blessed with gift of Cabinet Ministership. Media has less presence here, no political leaders wants to raise his voice for their concern, as they feel that the vote bank here is not big enough to have an impact on elections. Though this year in fist time Municipal Corporation BJP had lost, but it does not see than they have learnt from their loss.
People are still stranded here.
Kalimachak River was a lifeline for harsud town. But after water levels increased in Indira Sagar dam, backwaters of Kalimachak only submerged Harsud. Though harsud now is depilated and is haunted. But still in ward number nine, Mohi rayat about 150 people of thirty tribal families are not willing to move from here. They till date have not received the compensation amount. Mohan Gaindala from these families tell us that as even after fulfilling all the requirements as laid down in the clause 4 as announced by the state government they still have not received the compensation. Among them is Poonam who is suffering from Tuberculosis shares that patwari and other government officials openly ask for bribes. 'If someone cannot enough to eat how can one afford to pay bribe. Mohan adds that we don't know where our compensation money has gone? There are many here who have not received their compensation yet. Either the state government officials or the powerful have eaten away the money which came as compensation for them.
State government officials including the officiating District Collector Sanjay Goyal do not have any answers'. Tribals communities staying here had previously got afflicted with Chickenguniya. In the last monsoon water had reached just near their huts, but there is no surety this time that water will remain till that place. Included in them there are ten such children who never have received polio vaccination anytime or for that matter neither any supplementary nutrition.
What does District Collector say?
Khandwa District Collector Sanjay Goyal who is officiating says that district administration is trying its best. Brushing aside the issue of employment he said that somehow all of us, in any form will have to pay the price of development?
By Daya Shanker Mishra,
( Daya Shankar Mishra Freelance Journalist working as a Media Fellow with Vikas Samvad in Madhya Pradesh. He can be contacted on Vikas Samvad, E-7/226, Ist Floor, Opp. Dhanvantri Complex, Arera Colony, Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh)
Monday, 9 July 2007
Raichur first in achieving literacy with development
The National Literacy Mission has selected Raichur, a backwarddistrict which made a mark in literacy, or making a documentary film,which focussed on continuous education along with NREGS (NationalRural Employment Guarantee Scheme).Raichur which has the label of backward district in all aspects,including literacy, has made a mark in literacy and has beenapplauded for the same by the National Literacy Mission.Also, it has been selected for making a documentary film, whichfocussed on continuous education along with NREGS (National RuralEmployment Guarantee Scheme).For shooting the documentary film the National Literacy Mission hadgiven the job to TOP and QUARCK pvt ltd company New Delhi.The National Literacy Mission has selected six districts in thecountry, where convergence activities are going in literacy and thethemes for each district is different.ChosenFurther, the six places which NLM (National Literacy Mission) haschosen for the making of documentary films are Chattisgarh ,Rajasthan, Kollam and Idukki of Kerala, Howrah in West Bengal,Cuddapahin Andhra Pradesh and Raichur district in Karnataka. Mr Venkatesh ofthe National Literacy Mission State Resource Centre's Nodal officerof Raichur district presently residing at Mysore, explained to theDeccan Herald that the film duration is about 27 minutes and already 9pages of progress literature is prepared. The topic of the documentarywould be 'convergence under continuous education at Raichur district ,Karnataka'.Moreover, Raichur is in the first place for achieving literacy alongwith development in the State.In the 200 districts where NREGS was implemented last year by theCentral government, Raichur district is one among the five districtsin the State selected for that.In this scheme most of them are illiterates and belong to the labourclass. Thus, inorder to bring literacy to the illiterate people thethen CEO of Raichur ZP had introduced continuous education schemealong with the NREGS. The decision however has borne fruits now andtoday Raichur is one of the districts, which is a success incontinuous education.Based on the works taken up by the zilla panchayat in developmentunder National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme like totalsanitation, vocational training,literacy where even the government andNGOs like Mahila Samakhya, Jalasamvardhana association, Nehru YouthCentre, Janahitha organisations also stove hard to make it a success.Today it is possible for 70 percent continuous education centres towork with sustainability amounting to sustainable development.
Courtsey from DH News Service, Raichur
Courtsey from DH News Service, Raichur
Thursday, 5 July 2007
Indian Rivers Have to be Saved from MNCs
Agra, June 29: India’s water man and Magsaysay Award winner Rajinder Singh is busy rallying people on the banks of river Yamuna, that flows through Agra - the city of the Taj Mahal, to stand up for their water rights by protecting river Yamuna from pollution and “from being handed over” to the MNCs.
Singh, who heads the organization Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), recently launched a campaign - Yamuna Satyagrah 2007 - to revitalize the 1,376 kms long river that originates from the Himalayas and flows through seven north Indian states. He also plans to save the river from over-exploitation as well as persuade the government not to sell off the river banks for commercial exploitation.
The Yamuna is a holy river for the Hindus but that has not saved the river from turning into a carrier of industrial wastes and domestic sewage from the towns that flank it on both sides. Most of the pollution – in the form of waste water - is dumped into the river on its 22 kms course through Indian capital New Delhi.
The TBS chief is on a mission identifying and linking up people who feel for the river and are keen to restore the once-perennial river to its former glory. Travelling along villages and towns along the banks of the city, he is addressing the media as well as creating awareness amongst people on government policies, privatization of water, rights of people as well as conservation.
Singh says that one of the biggest challenges for him is to prevent corporates from taking control of the river and its water. Elaborating on his fears, he said: “Companies are taking control of the river by doing major constructions on its banks, by taking control of water supply and also by dumping their wastes into the river. All of this has to be prevented because people will slowly lose their rights over water.”
Outlining his other plans for resuscitating the river, Singh said: “We have written to the governments of those states, from where the river flows, that they have to take measures to ensure that water flows till the very end of the river. Currently this is not happening and the river dries by the time it reaches the historic city of Agra.”
“We also want that the governments should grow the panchvati (forest with five species of trees) on both banks of the river throughout its course. At the same time it should desist from building concrete jungles on river banks.”
Addressing a group of media persons and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Agra, Singh said that despite huge amounts of money that have been spent on setting up expensive Sewage Treatment Plants (STPs) the government has not been able to clean up the river.
He said: “We want the involvement of communities and the civil society in running the STPs. Communities should do the site selection for STPs; the government should find out the right technology and the operations and monitoring should be done by people and communities along with the government. We urge the government to set up community-driven decentralized STPs.”
Another of his demands is that the Common Effluent Treatment Plants (CETPs), that the government has been setting up to control the flow of harmful chemicals and metals from industrial areas, should be banned. His demand is that every factory should build its own Effluent Treatment Plant as this would effectively prevent the flow of industrial chemicals into the river.
For the Yamuna Satyagrah 2007 campaign, Singh is seeking the help of all communities and groups. These include saints, students, journalists as well as concerned groups and NGOs. Commenting wry about the engagement of politicians, Singh said: “All kinds of people and from different backgrounds have expressed their desire in joining the campaign. I still have to meet a politician who will help us save the river.”
By Rahul Kumar
Courtsey One World South Asia
Singh, who heads the organization Tarun Bharat Sangh (TBS), recently launched a campaign - Yamuna Satyagrah 2007 - to revitalize the 1,376 kms long river that originates from the Himalayas and flows through seven north Indian states. He also plans to save the river from over-exploitation as well as persuade the government not to sell off the river banks for commercial exploitation.
The Yamuna is a holy river for the Hindus but that has not saved the river from turning into a carrier of industrial wastes and domestic sewage from the towns that flank it on both sides. Most of the pollution – in the form of waste water - is dumped into the river on its 22 kms course through Indian capital New Delhi.
The TBS chief is on a mission identifying and linking up people who feel for the river and are keen to restore the once-perennial river to its former glory. Travelling along villages and towns along the banks of the city, he is addressing the media as well as creating awareness amongst people on government policies, privatization of water, rights of people as well as conservation.
Singh says that one of the biggest challenges for him is to prevent corporates from taking control of the river and its water. Elaborating on his fears, he said: “Companies are taking control of the river by doing major constructions on its banks, by taking control of water supply and also by dumping their wastes into the river. All of this has to be prevented because people will slowly lose their rights over water.”
Outlining his other plans for resuscitating the river, Singh said: “We have written to the governments of those states, from where the river flows, that they have to take measures to ensure that water flows till the very end of the river. Currently this is not happening and the river dries by the time it reaches the historic city of Agra.”
“We also want that the governments should grow the panchvati (forest with five species of trees) on both banks of the river throughout its course. At the same time it should desist from building concrete jungles on river banks.”
Addressing a group of media persons and Non Governmental Organisations (NGOs) in Agra, Singh said that despite huge amounts of money that have been spent on setting up expensive Sewage Treatment Plants (STPs) the government has not been able to clean up the river.
He said: “We want the involvement of communities and the civil society in running the STPs. Communities should do the site selection for STPs; the government should find out the right technology and the operations and monitoring should be done by people and communities along with the government. We urge the government to set up community-driven decentralized STPs.”
Another of his demands is that the Common Effluent Treatment Plants (CETPs), that the government has been setting up to control the flow of harmful chemicals and metals from industrial areas, should be banned. His demand is that every factory should build its own Effluent Treatment Plant as this would effectively prevent the flow of industrial chemicals into the river.
For the Yamuna Satyagrah 2007 campaign, Singh is seeking the help of all communities and groups. These include saints, students, journalists as well as concerned groups and NGOs. Commenting wry about the engagement of politicians, Singh said: “All kinds of people and from different backgrounds have expressed their desire in joining the campaign. I still have to meet a politician who will help us save the river.”
By Rahul Kumar
Courtsey One World South Asia
Wednesday, 4 July 2007
Harsud; three years hence but saga of the sufferings, never ends ..
The story of sufferings of people of Harsud, one of the 250 villages in the State of Madhya Pradesh which got submerged due to Indira Sagar Dam project, is unending and probably this millenniums most inhumane and undemocratic displacement story. June 30 2007, it will three years hence when the people of Harsud were 'displaced by force' not by will. Till date many of them wait for adequate compensation. Many are unemployed and striving hard to earn their sustenance. Probably their lives have got stuck in the 'files' in 'corridors of powers' of the State Government. The state of affairs is such that out of 5600 families which were resettled in the new Harsud only 1600 families still remain. Fifty families are dalits. Where have the rest gone? Nobody knows. What happened to the children, their education, and health no one has a clue in the State?
Who matters for the state in present situation? If 100 medical students or doctors march on the roads of New Delhi, then Parliament, Media, Corporate starts jumping, but 6000 tribals sitting on Dharna in Bhopal under heavy rains for demanding their fundamental right does not matter for the Government. The Political and State leadership did not go to meet these people at all.
The Harsud got submerged in June 2004. This historic town was established in the year 1815 by the then King Harshvardhan. Before it got submerged it was a Tehsil which was surrounded by villages. People settled here, had means of employment be it their own business, or labour or farming but after their displaced after submergence, they live on state's false promises, with a hope it they may get fulfilled someday.
It may be difficult to locate a town similar to new Harsud in Madhya Pradesh wherein people have built in pucca houses but hardly have anything to eat. All the money they had, they had spent on constructing their homes. Uma Bharti, who was then the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, had announced that new Harsud will be 'an ideal town', with all the facilities. But reality is far from grim. The land here was made up of hard rocks and it was extremely difficult to construct houses on the same. It took huge effort to dig the rocky land for the foundation which was needed to build the house over it. People had to spend all they had in order to construct their shelter. Builders, cement, sand and construction material dealers minted money, to an extent that prices of building material shot up. Iron rods which are normally priced at Rs 2300 per quintal, were sold at Rs 4000 per quintal while sand which is normally priced at Rs 1000 - 1500 was sold at double the price. All the money they had received as compensation was spent only in constructing houses.
It was painful to see one's own houses getting submerged while they were forced to settle on these barren hard rocky plains. Today, they have a pucca house but only that nothing else. State was able to convince the judiciary that, they have been able to rehabilitate the displaced people. Photographs of the pucca houses were good evidence in the court.
Present revenue records of the state will tell you that new Harsud is developing progressively. But the reality is exactly opposite and grim. Economy and employment are correlated when people have no means of employment how can an economy flourish. New harsud contrary to old one does not have any bus stand, no vegetable wholesale market, and neither any bank which can help the people get loan i.e. nothing which can give the people any employment opportunity. In name of development concrete gutters, damaged roads, there is nothing much.
Dr Ashok Srivastava, a valiant fighter, fighting for rights of those who got displaced say that concrete roads and sewage lines are there as state wanted to show the court that development has been done. But then what? "Old Harsud was a complete economic zone in itself, it had a big wholesale market for farmers, about 200 villages used to cater to the same and almost everyone had a job. But it is exactly the opposite in new Harsud. Except concrete sewage lies, houses and government offices there is nothing. Arundhati Roy, a famous writer had said at the time when Harsud was getting submerged what kind of development is that wherein the name of progress human rights of one's own nation's people get violated.
Though Harsud is the latest example, but in name of progress, in our country after independence more than three crore people have been displaced from their own land and their own culture. All democratic methods of raising concern seem not to deter the state of Madhya Pradesh and NHDC, the company which is building these dams.
Narmada Bachho Andolan's Alok Agarwal shares that people in new harsud have not been given property rights of the land which is allotted to them, meaning that they cannot get any loan on the same. He adds that crime rate has been increasing in last three years. People do not have employment, poverty is rampant and people don't have anything to survive, hence crime rates have increased. It is not that only poor have got affected, even better off families are facing the impact but fact is that poor have the maximum brunt. Even the traders like Trilok Tripathi say that sales have come down as people don't have buying power.
Who will listen to Dalits ?
In the new harsud sector 7 is called dalit sector. It is here where fifty dalit families live in. Children are taking of their school bags and instead they have picked up shovels. Rahul, was studying in tenth class when harsud got submerged but now he has hanged his school bag. More than studies it was essential to get food for his family. Santosh who works as a laborer in harsud and is feeding his family recalls at in old harsud we never had a time when we had had to starve, as their was work at the agricultural farms, and we used to get some work always. But now neither we have any farming nor is there any work for us. We are just surviving, but when rains come we will not have any way of earning our livelihood.
Where is Employment Guarantee Scheme?
This new place for the rehabilitated is nothing but a box of problems and is difficult for community members here to manage just two meals a day. In situation like this why is government silent on getting people some work. What is the reason that state has not initiated an employment guarantee scheme here? Local people say that people here had protested strongly against the conditions prevalent here and corruption which was happening, the same had upset many important ministers like Kailash Vijayavarigya, Anoop Mishra, and the local member of legislative assembly Kunwar Vijay Shah. They are facing the brunt of the same protest. The people here are angry wit Jkunawar Vijay Shah who never spoke a single word for the people and against the displacement. That is the reason he was blessed with gift of Cabinet Ministership. Media has less presence here, no political leaders wants to raise his voice for their concern, as they feel that the vote bank here is not big enough to have an impact on elections. Though this year in fist time Municipal Corporation BJP had lost, but it does not see than they have learnt from their loss.
People are still stranded here.
Kalimachak River was a lifeline for harsud town. But after water levels increased in Indira Sagar dam, backwaters of Kalimachak only submerged Harsud. Though harsud now is depilated and is haunted. But still in ward number nine, Mohi rayat about 150 people of thirty tribal families are not willing to move from here. They till date have not received the compensation amount. Mohan Gaindala from these families tell us that as even after fulfilling all the requirements as laid down in the clause 4 as announced by the state government they still have not received the compensation. Among them is Poonam who is suffering from Tuberculosis shares that patwari and other government officials openly ask for bribes. 'If someone cannot enough to eat how can one afford to pay bribe. Mohan adds that we don't know where our compensation money has gone? There are many here who have not received their compensation yet. Either the state government officials or the powerful have eaten away the money which came as compensation for them.
State government officials including the officiating District Collector Sanjay Goyal do not have any answers'. Tribals communities staying here had previously got afflicted with Chickenguniya. In the last monsoon water had reached just near their huts, but there is no surety this time that water will remain till that place. Included in them there are ten such children who never have received polio vaccination anytime or for that matter neither any supplementary nutrition.
What does District Collector say?:
Khandwa District Collector Sanjay Goyal who is officiating says that district administration is trying its best. Brushing aside the issue of employment he said that somehow all of us, in any form will have to pay the price of development?
By Daya Shanker Mishra
Who matters for the state in present situation? If 100 medical students or doctors march on the roads of New Delhi, then Parliament, Media, Corporate starts jumping, but 6000 tribals sitting on Dharna in Bhopal under heavy rains for demanding their fundamental right does not matter for the Government. The Political and State leadership did not go to meet these people at all.
The Harsud got submerged in June 2004. This historic town was established in the year 1815 by the then King Harshvardhan. Before it got submerged it was a Tehsil which was surrounded by villages. People settled here, had means of employment be it their own business, or labour or farming but after their displaced after submergence, they live on state's false promises, with a hope it they may get fulfilled someday.
It may be difficult to locate a town similar to new Harsud in Madhya Pradesh wherein people have built in pucca houses but hardly have anything to eat. All the money they had, they had spent on constructing their homes. Uma Bharti, who was then the Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh, had announced that new Harsud will be 'an ideal town', with all the facilities. But reality is far from grim. The land here was made up of hard rocks and it was extremely difficult to construct houses on the same. It took huge effort to dig the rocky land for the foundation which was needed to build the house over it. People had to spend all they had in order to construct their shelter. Builders, cement, sand and construction material dealers minted money, to an extent that prices of building material shot up. Iron rods which are normally priced at Rs 2300 per quintal, were sold at Rs 4000 per quintal while sand which is normally priced at Rs 1000 - 1500 was sold at double the price. All the money they had received as compensation was spent only in constructing houses.
It was painful to see one's own houses getting submerged while they were forced to settle on these barren hard rocky plains. Today, they have a pucca house but only that nothing else. State was able to convince the judiciary that, they have been able to rehabilitate the displaced people. Photographs of the pucca houses were good evidence in the court.
Present revenue records of the state will tell you that new Harsud is developing progressively. But the reality is exactly opposite and grim. Economy and employment are correlated when people have no means of employment how can an economy flourish. New harsud contrary to old one does not have any bus stand, no vegetable wholesale market, and neither any bank which can help the people get loan i.e. nothing which can give the people any employment opportunity. In name of development concrete gutters, damaged roads, there is nothing much.
Dr Ashok Srivastava, a valiant fighter, fighting for rights of those who got displaced say that concrete roads and sewage lines are there as state wanted to show the court that development has been done. But then what? "Old Harsud was a complete economic zone in itself, it had a big wholesale market for farmers, about 200 villages used to cater to the same and almost everyone had a job. But it is exactly the opposite in new Harsud. Except concrete sewage lies, houses and government offices there is nothing. Arundhati Roy, a famous writer had said at the time when Harsud was getting submerged what kind of development is that wherein the name of progress human rights of one's own nation's people get violated.
Though Harsud is the latest example, but in name of progress, in our country after independence more than three crore people have been displaced from their own land and their own culture. All democratic methods of raising concern seem not to deter the state of Madhya Pradesh and NHDC, the company which is building these dams.
Narmada Bachho Andolan's Alok Agarwal shares that people in new harsud have not been given property rights of the land which is allotted to them, meaning that they cannot get any loan on the same. He adds that crime rate has been increasing in last three years. People do not have employment, poverty is rampant and people don't have anything to survive, hence crime rates have increased. It is not that only poor have got affected, even better off families are facing the impact but fact is that poor have the maximum brunt. Even the traders like Trilok Tripathi say that sales have come down as people don't have buying power.
Who will listen to Dalits ?
In the new harsud sector 7 is called dalit sector. It is here where fifty dalit families live in. Children are taking of their school bags and instead they have picked up shovels. Rahul, was studying in tenth class when harsud got submerged but now he has hanged his school bag. More than studies it was essential to get food for his family. Santosh who works as a laborer in harsud and is feeding his family recalls at in old harsud we never had a time when we had had to starve, as their was work at the agricultural farms, and we used to get some work always. But now neither we have any farming nor is there any work for us. We are just surviving, but when rains come we will not have any way of earning our livelihood.
Where is Employment Guarantee Scheme?
This new place for the rehabilitated is nothing but a box of problems and is difficult for community members here to manage just two meals a day. In situation like this why is government silent on getting people some work. What is the reason that state has not initiated an employment guarantee scheme here? Local people say that people here had protested strongly against the conditions prevalent here and corruption which was happening, the same had upset many important ministers like Kailash Vijayavarigya, Anoop Mishra, and the local member of legislative assembly Kunwar Vijay Shah. They are facing the brunt of the same protest. The people here are angry wit Jkunawar Vijay Shah who never spoke a single word for the people and against the displacement. That is the reason he was blessed with gift of Cabinet Ministership. Media has less presence here, no political leaders wants to raise his voice for their concern, as they feel that the vote bank here is not big enough to have an impact on elections. Though this year in fist time Municipal Corporation BJP had lost, but it does not see than they have learnt from their loss.
People are still stranded here.
Kalimachak River was a lifeline for harsud town. But after water levels increased in Indira Sagar dam, backwaters of Kalimachak only submerged Harsud. Though harsud now is depilated and is haunted. But still in ward number nine, Mohi rayat about 150 people of thirty tribal families are not willing to move from here. They till date have not received the compensation amount. Mohan Gaindala from these families tell us that as even after fulfilling all the requirements as laid down in the clause 4 as announced by the state government they still have not received the compensation. Among them is Poonam who is suffering from Tuberculosis shares that patwari and other government officials openly ask for bribes. 'If someone cannot enough to eat how can one afford to pay bribe. Mohan adds that we don't know where our compensation money has gone? There are many here who have not received their compensation yet. Either the state government officials or the powerful have eaten away the money which came as compensation for them.
State government officials including the officiating District Collector Sanjay Goyal do not have any answers'. Tribals communities staying here had previously got afflicted with Chickenguniya. In the last monsoon water had reached just near their huts, but there is no surety this time that water will remain till that place. Included in them there are ten such children who never have received polio vaccination anytime or for that matter neither any supplementary nutrition.
What does District Collector say?:
Khandwa District Collector Sanjay Goyal who is officiating says that district administration is trying its best. Brushing aside the issue of employment he said that somehow all of us, in any form will have to pay the price of development?
By Daya Shanker Mishra
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